Out at Sea, Out of Sight: Filipino, Indonesian and Vietnamese Fishermen on Taiwanese Fishing Vessels

Summary of Research Findings*

Scalabrini Migration Center, Philippines
Maruja M. B. Asis, PhD

*The original, unabridged version of this paper was published on 16 March 2020 by the Scalabrini Migration Center of Manila.1

A fishing boat docked at a port in Taiwan on a cloudy, rainy day
Work as a migrant fisherman can be very isolating, especially for those employed in distant water fishing where they may be at sea for five-six months. Time onshore allows fishermen to rest, reconnect with family and access support systems. © Maruja M. B. Asis

Introduction

Taiwan ranks second in the world, just behind China, in deploying vessels to fish in the high seas. There are three different kinds of fishing Taiwan participates in. According to the report, these are distant water fisheries (fishing in areas outside the country's exclusive economic zone - EEZ); coastal and offshore fisheries (fishing activities conducted in Taiwan's internal waters, territorial sea, and EEZ); and aquaculture (over 100 aquatic species are grown in fish farms in Taiwan).

Most fishermen working in Taiwan are migrants from Southeast Asia, particularly from the Philippines, Indonesia, and Vietnam. It has recently come to the attention of the media that conditions for migrant fishermen working on Taiwanese vessels are unacceptable. Media coverage first began after the death of Supriyanto, an Indonesian fisherman, who was killed after developing septicemia as a result of the severe beatings given by his supervisor. The captain on the vessel Fu Tzu Chun refused to take Supriyanto to a nearby dock to receive medical attention that could have saved his life. Later, Supriyanto's employer falsely reported that his death was caused from illness rather than beatings. Following the reinvestigation of Supriyanto's case, more reports came out revealing poor conditions on Taiwanese vessels. A yellow card was issued to Taiwan from the European Union in 2015, due to a failure to combat illegal fishing practices. As of this year, Taiwan retains the yellow card despite some attempts made to improve working conditions.

Focus of the Research and Methodology

The main goal of the research was to conduct a comparative analysis of the experiences of migrant fisherman from Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam on Taiwanese fishing vessels. Research aimed to provide information on the recruitment and deployment process in each country as well as on the migrant fisherman's access to support and assistance, and the living and working conditions while on the vessels.

Migrant children in school uniforms stand with their mother in a slum neighborhood in Bangalore, India
Internal migrant with her children in Bangalore, India. Despite being Indian, people who move to another state in search of work often experience xenophobia and systematic human rights abuses as do many international migrants.

Direction in conducting the study was provided by the Scalabrini Migration Center, which collaborated with their missionaries based in Taiwan. They provided questions for the face-to-face interviews with the migrant fishermen as well as translations into three languages. They conducted 34 interviews from December 2018 to January 2019 (12 with Indonesians, 10 with Filipinos, and 12 with Vietnamese).

The Policy Context: From the Origin Countries to Taiwan

From the Origin: Recruitment and Deployment

The Philippines has been active in temporary labor migration since the 1970s; Indonesia, since the 1980s; and Vietnam, since the 1990s. Taiwan is one of the main destinations for migrant workers from all three countries. The Philippines has successfully established a legal framework to facilitate temporary labor migration, which has provided protection to Filipino workers throughout the process of migration. The Philippines has also established the Philippine Overseas Employment Administration (POEA) to process all legal overseas Filipino workers. Data from the POEA shows an average contract lasting 12 months and an average monthly salary of US$250 for Filipino fisherman on international vessels.

Indonesian fishermen are placed on Taiwanese vessels in one of two modes: (1) an official placement arranged by both governments following Taiwan's Ministry of Labor (MOL), or (2) a letter-guaranteed placement conducted by Indonesian agencies without involvement of either government. The report states that most Indonesian fishermen assisted by the International Organization for Migration who were found to be victims of trafficking worked on Taiwanese fishing vessels.

Based on the interview data from the report, Indonesian interviewees were younger in comparison to the other two groups. Most of them were single and in their 20s. The average Filipino fisherman interviewed was aged 36.4 and most of them were either married or separated. The report did not have information on the age of the Vietnamese interviewees, however it stated that 11 out of 12 participants were married, so it is assumed they were older than the Indonesians on average. Most of the Filipino and Indonesian interviewees had a high school or vocational level of education, while only half of the Vietnamese group had completed high school.

Private recruitment agencies (PRAs) were used by all interviewees during the process of migration and recruitment. PRAs in Indonesia and Vietnam search for potential applicants, sometimes via the school system, and help them throughout the process. The PRAs charge fees for their services, which fall on the applicant, however the fees reported greatly varied as well as the methods used to pay. Most Indonesian and Vietnamese workers reported reductions taken from their salaries in order to pay for the fees. Fees from PRAs also sometimes included the accommodation arranged while waiting for deployment. Some interviewees reported having to wait up to six months to leave for Taiwan. The training received by interviewees prior to departure also seemed to greatly differ. One Vietnamese fisherman reported the training to be inaccurate, and another reported it to be incredibly strict. The Vietnamese were also required to pay "anti-runaway" security deposits of US$1,000 to their agencies even though the Vietnamese government had outlawed it.

Migrant Fishermen in Taiwan

Migrant workers in Taiwan come largely from all three countries: Indonesia ranking first, Vietnam second, and the Philippines third. Most of the migrant workers coming from these countries are found to be working in the manufacturing and social welfare sectors. Of the three countries, Indonesia has the most fisherman working on Taiwanese vessels. The Fisheries Agency (FA) and MOL estimated that there were 26,000 migrants working in Taiwan's fishing industry in 2016. However, in 2014 the U.S. Department of State's Trafficking in Persons Report stated there were about 160,000 migrant workers in the Taiwanese distant water fishing industry, which is a stark comparison.

The possibility to earn high wages in Taiwan has made it an attractive place for migrant workers from Asian countries. However, this is becoming beset by the placement fees from PRAs mentioned above as well as the brokers' fees. Along with the burden of fees, living and working conditions for migrant workers are becoming increasingly more concerning. The living conditions for migrant workers, as opposed to domestic workers, is particularly concerning because there are two different government agencies overseeing these conditions. The MOL protects domestic fishing in Taiwan, while the FA oversees fishermen working on Taiwanese vessels in distant water fishing. A major problem with this is that migrant fishermen receive two types of treatment. Those working under the MOL are protected by the Labor Standards Act, while those working under the FA are not. They also earn very different wages. Fishermen working under the MOL earn about US$745, while those working under the FA earn about US$450.

Taiwan enacted the Distant Water Fisheries Act in 2016 to address fishing violations and to protect migrant fishermen by requiring a minimum rest time of ten hours a day, and by making medical and accident insurances mandatory. Taiwan also introduced the Regulations on the Authorization and Management of Overseas Employment of Foreign Crew Members. Unfortunately, regulations of labor conditions are still severely lacking and the new regulations were flawed from the view of NGOs.

Working and Living Conditions

The report states that interviewees signed work contracts in their home countries for two to three years. It was reported by the participants that these contracts were not respected and often violated. Some contracts included further salary deductions for food and dormitory housing even if the person did not live in a dormitory. Some participants reportedly were not aware of these deductions, due to the fact they were not told about the deductions and did not receive a pay slip.

Participants described their working and living conditions on the Taiwanese vessels. Many interviewees noted the long hours of work as well as the complete disregard for rest time. It was noted that complete exhaustion of fishermen contributed to accidents on board especially when combined with bad weather. Along with exhaustion, a lack of food was present on several vessels. One interviewee described how he had to run to get food at dinnertime or else there would be none left to eat. He also mentioned that one fisherman fell while rushing to get food and died of a traumatic brain injury. Some fishermen are required to live on the vessels even though accommodations are lacking. On the smaller vessels, the sleeping area, kitchen, and dining room were all in one room making it difficult to rest. One interviewee stated he worked on a vessel infested with cockroaches and bedbugs. The conditions were so bad that he could not sleep and chose to leave the boat after four days.

Not only are there many hazards for fishermen due to weather conditions, but also due to a complete disregard for basic safety precautions. Many interviewees reported several crew members falling into the sea due to the vessels not being secure. One interviewee claimed he almost died twice, once when his vessel caught on fire and once when the vessel collided with another boat. He claims he is staying on his current vessel because his employer treats him well, but he also fears his employer would not allow him to transfer to another vessel.

Captains tend to oversee all labor issues while on the vessel. They decide the working and rest hours as well as when the crew will eat. Many interviewees reported constant verbal abuse from their captains as well as beatings as a form of discipline. Tensions between crew members sometimes led to fighting, often between different nationalities. Some of the Vietnamese fishermen were reported to have run away due to the awful conditions they faced, regardless of the loss of their US$1,000 security deposit.

Access to Support and Assistance

Due to migrant fishermen being at sea, they are often isolated from sources of support. This is especially true for fishermen in distant water fishing, who spend five-six months at sea without any means of communication with the rest of the world. When fishermen would have the opportunity to contact modes of support, there is the question of whether they have even been made aware that support exists.

Most Filipino interviewees were aware of organizations they could contact, such as the Manila Economic and Cultural Office, the Yilan Migrant Fisherman Union, and various other NGOs. The Yilan Migrant Fisherman Union was the first migrant workers union in Taiwan and has 126 members coming from Indonesia and the Philippines. Out of all the interviewees only five Filipinos belong to the union and none of the Indonesian or Vietnamese. Two Filipino interviewees also mentioned seeking the assistance of an NGO, however one of them mentioned having a bad experience.

Half of the Indonesian interviewees had access to information on assistance and support. The Indonesian Cultural and Economic Office in Taipei was mentioned as an agency that has links to support systems for migrant workers. One interviewee mentioned an organization called Tegal that collects dues of NT$100 per month from members to help pay for their medical or hospital bills.

For the Vietnamese interviewees, the Labor Bureau and the broker seemed to be their main source of support. Unfortunately, several Vietnamese mentioned their attempts to access these sources of assistance as being difficult or insufficient.

Fishermen were reported to mainly rely on each other for support. However, tensions are high for multinational crews, and sometimes the captain shows favoritism for a particular nationality. The report noted that Filipinos tend to be better off when compared to Indonesians and Vietnamese. Philippine authorities in Taiwan seem to be more attentive than the other groups as well. Indonesians were also reportedly less likely to voice concerns and seek help even if they needed it.

Despite the negative findings, there are some positive developments. The fact that the horrors the migrant fishermen are experiencing are finally receiving some media coverage is a good sign. The establishment of the Yilan Migrant Fishermen Union and the coalition Human Rights for Migrant Fishers are two major steps in the right direction. The Yilan Migrant Fishermen Union was quite difficult to create and has helped bring attention to the issues migrant fishermen want to address. The coalition involves several organizations including Greenpeace, the Taiwan International Workers' Association, Taiwan Association for Human Rights, Environmental Justice Foundation, Serve the People Association, the Presbyterian Church in Taiwan Seamen and Fishermen's Service Center, and the Yilan Migrant Fisherman Union. The work of these NGOs has been vital to advocate for migrant fishermen rights.

Four migrant men walk towards the camera on the grounds of the Indian Social Institute Bangalore
Migrant workers in Bangalore, India. Many inter-state migrants in India face linguistic barriers to decent work similar to international migrants. Knowing the local language reduces vulnerability and barriers to accessing services.

Conclusions and Recommendations

It is important to note that the Filipino participants were all involved in domestic fishing and overall did not report as severe experiences of abuse as did the other groups. This could suggest that domestic fishermen were better protected than those in distant water fishing. The Filipinos also seemed to have a higher level of access to support from their home countries, and half of them were involved in the Yilan Migrant Fishermen Union. More Vietnamese reported having bad experiences than Indonesians even though more of the former were involved in domestic fishing.

The interviewees made several recommendations to resolve their complaints. These included training programs before departure in the home country, better training of the employers, increasing the fishermen's salary, specifying work and rest times, improving the sleeping areas, improving the means of communication with outside sources, and providing adequate food. Another major issue that needs to be addressed is the separation of control over the migrant fishermen in domestic fishing and those in distant water fishing. The MOL needs to oversee both domestic and distant fishermen to ensure all migrant fishermen are protected under the Labor Standards Act.

Trade unions, NGOs, and other agencies should become involved in supervising Taiwanese fishing vessels to ensure the problems are being addressed. It is recommended that Taiwan and the origin countries create bilateral agreements to protect migrant fishermen. Ratification of the International Labour Organization's C188 - Work in Fishing Convention, 2007 (No. 188), which protects and improves conditions of workers in the fishing industry, was also recommended for Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam.